Behind his generally genial persona, Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz has got a sharp tongue on him. He was particularly cutting toward former President Donald Trump on Tuesday when he appeared alongside former President Barack Obama to herald the start of early voting in Wisconsin. But the Democratic vice presidential nominee also had a new target in his sights: chaotic billionaire turned GOP megadonor Elon Musk.
Specifically, Walz took aim at Trump’s promise to appoint Musk to lead a new “government efficiency commission” if he wins. “[Musk] could spend millions to make more than $10 billion on the back end,” Walz told the crowd. “Donald Trump, in front of the eyes of the public, is promising corruption.”
In funneling his fortune into trying to get Trump elected, it is all too clear that the owner of Tesla and SpaceX is hoping to profit handsomely as a result.
It’s a sharp elbow from Walz — and one that Musk deserves to catch. In funneling his fortune into trying to get Trump elected, it is all too clear that the owner of Tesla and SpaceX is hoping to profit handsomely as a result. But in doing so, he’s also made himself a ready-made plutocratic villain for Walz and Vice President Kamala Harris in the closing days of the campaign.
Musk is one of the richest people in the world in no small part thanks to the extremely lucrative government contracts that he holds. Over the last decade, NASA has depended more and more on his SpaceX company to launch rockets into space. Likewise, the Department of Defense has agreements with Musk to launch satellites into orbit. Altogether, according to a New York Times analysis, those contracts are worth more than $15 billion over the last 10 years — and that’s just one of the companies he owns alongside Tesla and X.
Those defense ties have held in place even as Musk has gone off the deep end politically, posting approvingly about racist memes and giving credence to conspiracy theories about election fraud. As part of his ideological transformation from moderate to reactionary, he’s also opted to yoke his cart to Trump in a big way. He hosted an extremely flattering, borderline simpering conversation with the former president on X’s audio platform. And as he’s moved to the right, so too has the clientele of the social media platform, which has helped boost Musk’s most toxic tweets to a captivated audience.
Musk has also already channeled more than $75 million into his America PAC, which has been tapped to handle a large chunk of voter outreach for the GOP ahead of Election Day. (Just how effective that strategy has been will become apparent soon, but the signs aren’t particularly encouraging for longtime Republican strategists.) He appeared at a Trump rally in Pennsylvania last month (spawning one of the most memeable images of this election) and will likely do so again at Madison Square Garden this weekend.
Trump in return has praised Musk during speeches and appearances on Fox News, even as he’s reportedly disparaged the tech titan behind closed doors. Moreover, Trump has taken a shine to Musk’s proposal to essentially audit the federal government looking for programs to cut. But Musk’s statements show that the main goal would be cutting government regulations — the exact kinds of regulations that have made SpaceX, X and Tesla the subject of federal investigations, major recalls, lawsuits and fines. As The New York Times put it: “Instead of entering this new role as a neutral observer, Mr. Musk would be passing judgment on his own customers and regulators.”
It’s a level of self-policing that would put even the robber barons of the Gilded Age to shame. It’s a level of self-policing that would put even the robber barons of the Gilded Age to shame. In just one example, Musk has complained about the Environmental Protection Agency telling him he can’t dump polluted water from rocket launches in Texas. If given official power, it would be simple for him to advise Trump to shutter entirely that section of the EPA, in support of his fantasy of going to Mars. The best-case scenario is that any commission Musk heads is only able to provide recommendations without the power to carry them out. But with Trump at the helm again, it would be foolish to assume that anything will be business as usual, especially if it comes with a GOP-controlled Congress and a Supreme Court willing to back him up. This has all lined up perfectly for Walz and Harris to hammer Musk in the closing days of the race. It was Walz’s willingness to label Trump and other Republicans as “weird” that helped boost his national profile this summer. Since Harris tapped him as her running mate, he’s brought his plainspoken, yet devastating, attack lines to the campaign trail. And when a recent poll shows that the young men Trump is courting are less likely to support him after learning about Musk’s endorsement, it’s clear that Walz is on to something. Over the next few days, along with their broader closing message that Trump is unfit for office, there is an opportunity for Harris and Walz to call out Trump for his subservience toward the top 1% of wealthy Americans. Where Democrats have been surging in small-dollar donations, Trump is essentially tapped out, forcing him to rely more heavily on megadonors like Musk. Where the Harris-Walz ticket has offered up plans to help the middle class, Trump wants to hand over the government to people who want to make themselves even richer. It’s a message that Musk himself can’t help but drive home, just by being himself. He’s also showing no signs of slowing down his decision to put himself front and center in the waning days of the campaign. As such, Musk has got nobody to blame but himself for Walz bringing the full brunt of Minnesota nice to bear against him.
Hayes Brown is a writer and editor for MS NOW. He focuses on politics and policymaking at the federal level, including Congress and the White House. 
